Suchergebnisse

This article challenges a tendency that grew up in fascist studies in the 1930s to treat Fascism and Nazism as the only authentic expressions of fascism, and to evaluate and understand all other manifestations of the generic force as more or less derivative of them and hence of secondary importance when understanding 'the nature of fascism' as an ideology. This has created an artificial location of each fascism as being either at the core or periphery of the phenomenon, and has reinforced a Eurocentrism that leads to parallel movements in Brazil, Chile, Argentina, and South Africa to be neglected. It calls for wider acceptance of the realization that researching movements that did not seize autonomous power, such as the Croatian Ustasha, the Romanian Iron Guard, or the Transylvanian Saxons, can enrich understanding of aspects of Fascism and Nazism, such as the role of racism, eugenics, anti-Semitism and organized Christianity in determining the ideological contents ad fate of a particular fascism.

Abstract
Scholars have recently begun advocating for the application of social movement theory in the analysis of the rise and development of fascist political entities. While representing a welcome effort to increase the theoretical depth in the analysis of fascism, the approach remains hampered by conceptual deficiencies. The author addresses some of these by the help of a critical discussion that problematises the often incoherent ways in which the concept of 'movement' is used when describing fascist political activity both within and across national borders. The analysis then turns to the application of social movement theory to the historical example of the Ustašas. While recent research on social movements has begun to explore the role and character of transnationalism, this case study analysis suggests that the lack of supra-national organisations during the period of 'classic' fascism prevented the emergence of a 'transnational public space' where fascist movements could have participated. The conclusion is that rather than acting and organising on a 'transnational' level, fascist entities appear to have limited themselves to state-based international 'knowledge-transfer' of a traditional type.

Abstract
The sixth annual convention of the International Association for Comparative Fascist Studies (COMFAS) took place from 6 to 8 October 2023 and this year was hosted by Central European University in Vienna. The event, organised by Antonio Costa Pinto alongside COMFAS Presidents Aristotle Kallis and Constantin Iordachi, fostered an important, constructive space to discuss research, both in formal panels and keynote sessions, as well as informally across the three days. The theme year was 'Paramilitarism in Fascism and the Radical Right', a field that allowed for a wide range of time periods and approaches to the topic to be explored.

Abstract
Following two years of online events, from the 14 to 16 September 2022 the fifth annual Convention of the International Association for Comparative Fascist Studies (COMFAS) took place in Florence. The title of the conference 'Beyond the Paranoid Style: Fascism, Radical Right and the Myth of Conspiracy' presented a framework for a wide variety of reflections that were both historically grounded and timely. After all, in the wake of the Covid-19 pandemic, many scholars have had new experiences of the impact of conspiracy theory thinking.

Between 27 and 29 April 2018, approximately seventy academics from all over Europe met in Budapest to discuss fascism at the first comfas convention. The theme for this inaugural convention was 'Comparative Fascist Studies and the Transnational Turn'. The International Association for Comparative Fascist Studies (comfas) was originally conceived in 2015 with the idea of creating a nonprofit and non-political community of researchers, ranging from graduate students to established professors. Not restricting itself exclusively to the narrow topic of European fascism of the mid-twentieth century, the organization would aspire to facilitate an interdisciplinary and collaborative scholarly-network that includes the whole spectrum of right-of-center politics and related social issues, including ultra-nationalism, authoritarianism, political violence, racism, genocide, and the Holocaust. Three years later, the original idea was finally put into action. The conference incorporated an overwhelming amount of presentation panels, public lectures, open debates, and would culminate in a reflection discussion on how the association could grow and improve in the future.

Abstract
The drive to decolonise is of central importance to the study of fascism, which after all was and remains a politics rooted in specific conceptions of colonialism and race. In this article, we have invited both leading academics and early career scholars to reflect on how we might 'decolonise' fascist studies. Their comments approach fascism in a range of contexts, and offer reflections on how to frame future research questions, approach methodological issues, and consider how fascism studies might develop a more overt and clear stance on the problems posed by decolonising the subject area more broadly. It is hoped that these commentaries will enrich the field of fascist studies and, in turn, do more to relate it to the work of scholars in other relevant areas of study, particularly those working on critical theories of race and racism. Contributors to this debate are: Leslie James, Raul Carstocea, Daniel Hedinger, Liam J. Liburd, Cathy Bergin, Benjamin Bland, Evan Smith, Jonathan Hyslop, Benjamin Zachariah, and Caroline Campbell.

This article discusses the role played by war veterans in the various fascist and para-fascist groups present in Yugoslavia in the interwar period. The article finds that significant numbers of veterans and the nationalist associations to which they belonged contributed to proposed or actual departures from the democratic norm in interwar Yugoslavia, and were especially supportive of King Aleksandar Karadjordjevic's dictatorship of 1929–1934. In this respect, they could be termed 'para-fascist'. The article also notes that whilst the two groups typically identified in the literature as 'fascist', the Croatian Ustashe and Serbian/Yugoslav Zbor, fit into the 'second-wave' of 1930s fascist forces not usually marked by a strong presence of First World War veterans, their membership and ideological organisation were nevertheless significantly influenced by both the traditions of the war and the men who fought in it.

Abstract
This article examines how the Southern proslavery defense produced a distinctly proto-fascist ideology. Rather than comparing the Antebellum South to twentieth century racist regimes, this study compares Southern fascist thought to Germany's nineteenth century Völkisch movement. The author uses Roger Griffin's Palingenetic Ultranationalism to explore how the Antebellum South promoted an illiberal vision of modernity. The author argues that proto-fascists rejected liberalism, had a profound sense of social decay, and advanced a vision of a new man, new political structure, and a new temporality. The striking similarities between nineteenth and twentieth century fascist movements mandates that the Antebellum American South should be included in comparative fascist studies. The results of this study contextualize the comparisons made between American racism and fascism along with deepening our understanding of fascism's protean qualities.